Section President: Adriana Gonzalez

Address: Calle 44 No 19 - 28

City, State/Province: Bogota, Cundinamarca

Postal Code: 1

Telephone: 011-57- 285-00-62

Fax Number: 011-571-245-32-06

Work and/or Mobile Number:

Email Address: agonzalez@sedbogota.edu.co

Section IEC Member: Amparo Elisa Guerrero

Address: P. O Box 29541

City, State/Province: Santa Fe, NM

Postal Code: 87592

Telephone: 1-505-988-1951

Fax Number: 1-505-988-1906

Work and/or Mobile Number:

Email Address: amparoelisa@hotmail.com

Section Fundraising Contact: Adriana Gonzalez
(Per the decision at the IEC 2006 each Section is to appoint a fundraising contact person)

Address:  Calle 44 No 19 - 28

City, State/Province: Bogota, Cundinamarca

Postal Code: 1

Telephone: 011-57- 285-00-62

Fax Number: 011-571-245-32-06

Work and/or Mobile Number:

Email Address: limpal@limpalcolombia.org

2008 International Directory:
Please review your copy of the International Directory and provide all additional contacts and/or information that you would like to be listed in the 2008 International Directory. For example: Section Office, Section Treasurer, Secretary, Branch Contacts, etc.

LIMPAL - WILPF - Colombia
Calle 44 Nr. 19-28 – Teusaquillo
Bogota
Tel: + 571 - 285 00 62
Fax +57 1 - 245 32 06
www: limpalcolombia.org
limpal@limpalcolombia.org

IEC Member 
Disarmament Matters 
Amparo Elisa Guerrero
PO Box 29541
Santa Fe, New Mexico 87592 
amparoelisa@hotmail.com

President 
Fundraising                                         
Adriana Gonzalez
Calle 44 Nr. 19-28-Teusaguillo
Bogota  
agonzalez@sedbogota.edu.co

Y- Limpal
Environment Matters
Adriana Vera Guerrero
Carrera 2 B No 66-38
Bogota, Colombia
adrianaveraguerrero@hotmail.com

Secretary General
Marta Ligia Gutierrez
Calle 44 Nr. 19-28-Teusaguillo
Bogota   
limpal@limpalcolombia.org

Economic Justice Matters                         
Pilar Pulido
Calle 44 Nr. 19-28-Teusaguillo
Bogota   
limpal@limpalcolombia.org

Treasurer                                          
Patricia Pava 
Calle 44 Nr. 19-28-Teusaguillo
Bogota   
limpal@limpalcolombia.org

Section Information:

Number of members:  15 in Bogota and 50 Displaced Women in Cartagena (Fill in the blank or amend)

Section website: www.limpalcolombia.org                                                       

Section 2006 Income:                                         Expense:

Committee or Working Group that your IEC Member participates in: IEC member Amparo Guerrero is supporting the Committee on Economic and Global Justice.  She is also coordinating the Colombia Delegation and working on Development of the Colombia Committee.

What does your Section need from the 2007 Congress and what are the specific decisions that you would like to see this Congress make to further your work? Please place an X beside those that apply.

X Development of 3-year Program
X Development of Committee or Working Group. Please specify. Colombia Committee
X   Adoption of Policy. Please specify. Gertrude Bear Participation and International Communications
X Adoption of Resolution. Please specify. Colombia Resolution
    Adoptions of Constitutional Amendment Please specify.
    Specific Proposal from your Section. Please specify.
    Other. Please list below:

Geneva Office

We would like some feedback on the section mailing. Do you like the frequency and length? What topics would you like to see covered?

1. Yes we like the frequency and length, but we would like to see at least a summary of this information in Spanish.
2. We would like to see covered the topics that have a direct relationship with the WILPF International Program, for example, economic and social justice, peace and security, culture of peace, displaced and refugees, water, disarmament, human rights.
3.  Additional feedback: 
a) When the Colombia government is on the agenda of any work involving the UN, especially the Human Rights Council, we would like to be informed sufficiently in advance so we can collaborate and participate.
b) We want to receive information about the process and progress of incorporating gender perspective into the Human Rights Council’s work.

What information from the Geneva Office would be helpful to you?

Human Rights Commission Agenda
To be informed of and have copies of the communications that the Geneva Office has with other Human Rights NGOs in Colombia, and to collaborate with the Geneva Office on any work involving Colombia.
To receive more relevant information in Spanish.
To receive periodic reports (in Spanish) about what WILPF Officers are doing in furthering WILPF’s Agenda.

What do you see as priority issues for the work of the Geneva Office?

1. Resolving the current financial crisis, and develop a strategic plan to address this important issue.
2. Strategic Plan to develop the Program 2007-2009, that is consistent with the financial plan.
3. Give more opportunities to the Asia, Africa y America Latina Sections to learn about the work of  
     the Human Rights Council and Commission.
4. Petition to the UN Human Rights Council: Integrating the Human Rights of Women
5.  Follow up on Resolutions.

How could we improve communication between us (E-Mail, Conference Calls, and Section Visits)?

E-mail, Conference calls and Section Visits.
Support visits between sections.
We need Spanish translations.
We need more timely information about the problems, obstacles, challenges facing our organization, and not at the last minute, when it becomes a crisis. 

UN Office (New York)

What information from the UN Office would be helpful to you?

Information concerning any issues related to the Women’s Agenda
Information on technical and financial support for developing projects in America Latina.
News in Spanish
Newsletter with information and news in a more accessible, newsworthy and creative format

What do you see as priority issues for the work of the UN Office?

Follow up on Resolutions.
A priority for us is that when the Colombia government is on the agenda of any work involving the UN, especially the Human Rights Council; we would like to be informed sufficiently in advance so we can participate.

How could we improve communication between us?

E-mail, Conference calls and Section Visits.
Support visits between sections.
We need Spanish translations.
We need more information about the problems, obstacles, challenges facing our organization, and not at the last minute, when it becomes a crisis. 
A better, more creative, accessible Newsletter.

Do you use the Reaching Critical Will website?

Yes

No

If so for what? What is the most useful? What would make the site more useful for you?

Yes.  We use it to receive current information about disarmament, when we are working on this theme in Colombia.
We would like to have more information about the arms situation in America Latina countries. It would be very helpful to have a link in Spanish.
 

Do you read the RCW E-news reports on CD, UN GA 1st Committee, NPT?
Yes.

What could be improved?
If you can translate it in Spanish, and arrange information according to country.

Do you use the Peace Women website?

Yes

No

If so for what? What is the most useful? What would make the site more useful for you?

Yes.  To have all the current information regarding Resolution 1325.  All of the information is very useful, and especially having the page in Spanish.  It would be more useful, if the information were more current—at times it is out of date.

Do you read the Peace Women E-news?

Yes.

What could be improved?
Translate in Spanish.

Does the work of your section relate to the United Nations?

Yes

No

If so how?  Yes. 

We are working very hard on Colombia’s implementation of Resolution 1325 in the Council of Security
It ‘s related to UN Office for Refugees and Internal Displaced People based on Colombia’s 3 million internally displaced persons.
We are working with UNIFEM Colombia on the Free Trade Agreement’s impact on Colombian Women.
We are doing education activities for Peace with CEDAW and following up on CEDAW’s recommendations   concerning the Colombian government.

Does your section work on WILPF’s International Program?

Yes

No

What is your main focus?

Yes.  Our focus is: Peace and Security in Disarmament.  Environment Sustainability, Global and Economic Social Justice, all with gender perspective.

Global Economic Justice?

Yes

No

How?

“Hace 3 años hago parte del grupo de mujeres que iniciaron el proceso con Limpal, a través del cual he conocido mis derechos como humana y además me he relacionado,  unido fuerzas y lazos con otras mujeres. Al principio no fue fácil adaptarse a tantas personas pero con el tiempo nos vamos conociendo y aceptándonos. Yo estoy contenta en este  grupo que hemos llamado Asociación de Artesanas de San Jacinto, Mujeres Ejemplares  ADASME  y quiero seguir adelante con mis compañeras.  Hoy en día contamos con un almacén en el cual elaboramos y vendemos nuestros productos, además nos capacitamos para mejorar lo que hacemos. Yo sueño con una empresa, teniendo muchas trabajadoras y dándole empleo a muchas personas, para que se acabe el hambre aquí en San Jacinto y se valore el trabajo de nosotras las artesanas es decir  que podamos vender nuestros productos a un precio justo y vivir con dignidad”.
                                                                                                                                                                                                                     DINA GUZMAN

Through the campaign against the Free Trade Agreement with US, working for the promotion and protection of the human rights for displaced women in Colombia

Environmental Sustainability?

Yes

No

How?

We are working on following  up on the Millennium Goals, health, water, access to food, and elimination of the causes of poverty.

Disarmament and Demilitarization

Yes

No

How?

Implementing Security Resolution 1325
Following up on Plan Colombia’s Impact On Women

Water?

Yes

No

How?

We are working on a campaign against the privatization of water
We are working in coalition with other Colombian organizations in on Access To Water

SCR 1325/Women and Peace and Security Issues?

Yes

No

How?

Through participation in the Colombian Round Table on Women and Armed Conflict
Participating on campaigns with other Colombian Women’s Social Movement organizations
Follow up on the UN recommendations.
Demanding political accountability and the protection rights
Advocacy and Lobbyng

Women’s political participation?

Yes

No

How?

Coordinating with other human rights networks, social organizations to denounce discrimination by local and national government organizations.

Working with international cooperation agencies to develop projects in defense of women’s dignity and human rights.
 
For example, we worked on the Colombian campaign to legalize abortion.

Sexual and Gender based violence issues?

Yes

No

How?

We have a project to empower Women as Leaders in the work against sexual and domestic violence, with WILPF Norway’s support.

We work with the Organization of Displaced Women and support to women and children victims of sexual abuse in the context of the armed conflict.

What is the political situation in your country?



Colombia remains mired in a decades-long internal armed conflict, which continues to result in widespread abuses by irregular armed groups, including both guerrillas and paramilitaries, as well as by the Colombian armed forces.  
 
Civilians suffer the brunt of the conflict, as every year thousands become displaced by the violence, losing their homes and livelihoods. Forced disappearances, extrajudicial executions, targeted assassinations, threats, and kidnappings remain commonplace. The vast majority of abuses remain unaddressed.  
 
Both paramilitary groups and guerrillas continue to be well-financed through resources from the drug business. Paramilitaries have also become increasingly involved in large-scale corruption schemes, infiltrating national governmental institutions, controlling local politicians, and diverting funds from state agencies.
Demobilization of Paramilitary Groups  
The Colombian government claimed in 2006 that it had successfully completed the demobilization of more than 30,000 supposed paramilitaries, but serious questions remain as to the effectiveness of the demobilization process in dismantling paramilitaries’ complex criminal and financial structures, and ensuring truth, justice, and reparation.  
 
Paramilitary commanders have not taken significant steps to give up their massive illegally acquired wealth, return stolen land, or show that they have ceased their lucrative criminal activities. Disturbing indicators of their persistent influence in 2006 included: reports of paramilitary infiltration of the Intelligence Service; increasing threats against academics, union leaders, human rights defenders, and journalists; and the formation of new paramilitary groups, as reported by the Organization of American States’ (OAS) Mission to Support the Peace Process.  
 
In May 2006, the Colombian Constitutional Court ruled on the constitutionality of the government’s controversial “Justice and Peace Law,” which offers dramatically reduced sentences to paramilitaries responsible for atrocities and other serious crimes. The court approved the reduced sentences, but through interpretation, made several important improvements to the law, ruling that paramilitaries would have to confess and pay reparations out of their legal and illegal assets, and that if they lied or committed new crimes, they could risk losing their reduced sentences. It also held that prosecutors would have to fully investigate all confessed crimes.  
 
In September, the government issued a decree that partially implemented the court ruling, but that also conferred upon the paramilitary leadership even greater benefits by allowing them to avoid prison altogether by serving their reduced sentences on farms or at home instead.  
 
A number of commanders turned themselves in for voluntary confinement in a retreat house in the state of Antioquia, but many others remain at large.  
 
New paramilitary abuses, including killings and forced disappearances, continued to be reported throughout the year. In October, the Attorney General’s office revealed that a confiscated computer owned by an associate of the paramilitary leader known as “Jorge 40” had turned up evidence of over 500 assassinations committed in just one Colombian state between 2003 and 2005. The computer also pointed to continuing plans by the paramilitaries’ Northern Block to expand their political power and territorial control.  
 
Talks with Guerrillas
Throughout 2006, the Colombian government engaged in preliminary talks with the National Liberation Army (ELN) guerrillas, to set the terms for eventual peace negotiations. President Uribe announced that he would seek to obtain resources to support the ELN during peace talks and replace the revenue this group would otherwise obtain from kidnappings and extortion.  
 
Meanwhile, the largest guerrilla group in Colombia, the Revolutionary Armed Forces of Colombia (FARC), expressed interest in discussing an exchange of its hostages for imprisoned guerrilla members. Talks on this issue were cancelled after a bombing in October 2006 for which the government charged the FARC was responsible.  
 
The government persisted in its decision to offer demobilization benefits to FARC members who had already been convicted and were in prison for gross violations of international humanitarian law, such as kidnappings and killings.  
 
Both the FARC and ELN continued to engage in abuses against civilians, which in 2006 included kidnappings, killings, and indiscriminate bombings. Guerrilla groups are responsible for most reported cases of the use of anti-personnel landmines, which result in hundreds of civilian injuries and deaths every year. Guerrillas are also responsible for most recruitment of child soldiers in Colombia. At least 80 percent of the children under arms in Colombia belong to the FARC or ELN. At least one of every four irregular combatants in Colombia is under 18 years of age. Of these, several thousand are under the age of 15, the minimum recruitment age permitted under the Geneva Conventions.  
 
Impunity and Military-Paramilitary Links  
Colombia’s long-running failure to effectively investigate, prosecute, and punish human rights abuses has created an environment in which abusers correctly assume that they will never be held accountable for their crimes.  
 
The problem is particularly acute in cases of military abuses, including cases involving credible allegations of military-paramilitary links. Low-ranking officers are sometimes held accountable in these cases, but rarely is a commanding officer prosecuted.  
 
Early in 2006, scores of allegations were made public that units of the army had executed civilians and dressed the corpses as guerrillas so that they could record them as killed in combat. In another case, 21 military recruits were allegedly tortured by their supervisors during training, subjected to beatings, burning, and sexual abuse.  
 
In May 2006, an army unit shot and killed 10 elite anti-narcotics police officers who had been trained by the US Drug Enforcement Administration. Prosecutors labeled the killings intentional, not accidental. Investigation of the case, however, was initially hampered by the fact that the civilian judge charged with the case refused to review it. As of this writing, prosecutions were ongoing.  
 
In one encouraging development, prosecutors announced that they had obtained new evidence in a case involving the “disappearances” of 10 people in the 1985 retaking by security forces of Colombia’s Palace of Justice (which housed the Supreme Court), after its invasion by the M-19 guerrilla group.  
 
Internal Displacement
With a cumulative total of more than 3.7 million displaced persons, Colombia continues to have the world’s largest internal displacement crisis after Sudan, and incidents of forced displacement rose from 2003 to 2005, according to the nongovernmental Consultancy for Human Rights and the Displaced (Consultoria para los Derechos Humanos y el Desplazamiento, CODHES). While government data for these years are lower, they reflect the same trend.
 
Those who are internally displaced are generally worse off than the poorest members of their host communities, with two-thirds living in inadequate housing with no access to basic sanitation, according to studies by the International Committee of the Red Cross, the Catholic Church, and the University of the Andes. Only one in five displaced persons receives medical care, and some 300,000 displaced children do not have access to education, the Geneva-based Internal Displacement Monitoring Centre reported in June 2006.  
 
The Colombian government quietly has backed away from its earlier policy, roundly criticized by local and international observers, which had promoted return to home communities as its principal response to displacement. But the central government refuses in some instances to extend recognition to groups thought to be taking a “political stance” against the government. As a practical matter, the denial of recognition means that most displaced individuals return to their home communities even though the security situation does not enable a safe and dignified return.  
 
In response to a 2004 Constitutional Court finding that the government’s system for assisting displaced persons was unconstitutional, the Colombian government substantially increased its budget for protection and humanitarian assistance for displaced persons, committing more than US$2 billion dollars for the five-year period ending in 2010.  
 
A major assistance program funded by the US Agency for International Development and managed by the International Organization for Migration and the Pan-American Development Foundation had a slow start in 2006.  
 
Access to Legal Abortion
In May 2006 Colombia’s constitutional court declared that the country’s blanket criminalization of abortion violated women’s constitutional rights, a landmark decision for the region. The court declared that neither women nor doctors can be penalized for procuring or providing abortions where one of three conditions is met: 1) the pregnancy constitutes a grave danger to the pregnant woman’s life or health; 2) the fetus has serious genetic malformations; and 3) the pregnancy is the result of rape or incest.  
 
Human Rights Monitors and Other Vulnerable Groups
Human rights monitors, as well as labor leaders, journalists, and other vulnerable groups continue to be the subjects of frequent threats, harassment, and attacks for their legitimate work. Investigations of these cases rarely result in prosecutions or convictions.  
 
President Uribe once again made statements attacking the media for its coverage of public issues, singling out individual journalists and papers, and accusing them of being dishonest, malicious, and harmful to democratic institutions.  
 
The Ministry of Interior has a protection program, established with US funding, to offer protection to threatened persons. Nonetheless, a number of individuals have complained about feeling intimidated by the armed escorts—who have often been agents of the intelligence service—assigned to them.  
 
Key International Actors
The United States remains the most influential foreign actor in Colombia. In 2006 it provided close to US$800 million to the Colombian government, mostly in military aid. Twenty-five percent of US security assistance is formally subject to human rights conditions, but the conditions have not been consistently enforced. In 2006 the United States also started providing financial support for the paramilitary demobilization process, certifying Colombia’s compliance with related conditions in US law.  
 
The OAS Mission to Support the Peace Process in Colombia, which is charged with verifying the demobilization process, began offering more critical analyses in 2006 after having endorsed the process uncritically in the past. Nonetheless, the mission’s effectiveness continues to be limited by its failure to scrutinize judicial proceedings against the paramilitaries and monitor the progress of Colombian authorities in dismantling their complex financial and criminal networks.  
 
Several European governments, including those of Sweden and the Netherlands, continue to provide substantial funding to the OAS Mission.  
 
The Office of the UN High Commissioner for Human Rights is active in Colombia, with a presence in Bogota, Medellin, and Cali. Despite the office’s high quality and professional work, the Colombian government repeatedly criticized it in 2006. After protracted negotiations lasting much of the year, the Colombian government extended the office’s mandate by one additional year. However, government officials, including Vice President Francisco Santos, stated that they planned to continue negotiating “adjustments” to the scope of the office’s mandate.